For the second consecutive week, the battle over redistricting in Texas has reportedly paralyzed the state legislature, as Democrats continue to boycott the Capitol in protest of Republican-backed congressional maps that would create five new GOP-majority districts.
But the showdown is set to escalate. On Monday, Aug. 18, House Speaker Dustin Burrows ordered members to appear at noon for the opening of the second special legislative session, after the first ended abruptly when Democrats again refused to provide a quorum.
Under the Texas Constitution, at least 100 lawmakers must be present to conduct business.
On Aug. 15, Burrows adjourned the first special session after repeated Democratic walkouts. The Senate also ended its session, and Governor Greg Abbott quickly called lawmakers back to Austin, announcing a second special session beginning the same day at noon.
Democrats have made no secret of their strategy: to deny Republicans the ability to pass maps they oppose. Many fled the state altogether, traveling to places like California, where Gov. Gavin Newsom openly cheered their defiance. “We can’t stand back and watch this democracy disappear district by district all across the country,” Newsom said, vowing to push a similar redistricting effort in California “to neutralize any GOP gains.”
The difference, however, is clear. California requires voter approval for such changes. In Texas, lawmakers are bound by the state constitution to be present and cast votes.
Abbott has repeatedly underscored that obligation, pointing to a lawsuit he filed to remove House Democratic Caucus Chairman Gene Wu from office. “They are required by the Texas Constitution to actually show up and cast votes on bills,” Abbott said. “That’s what the Constitution requires. That’s why I’m seeking to remove Gene Wu, because he’s not fulfilling his constitutional duty.”
Republicans argue the Democrats’ walkouts represent not principled opposition but dereliction of duty.
Frustration has grown among GOP members, who say Texans deserve functioning government, not political theatrics. “Every strategy is at play… if we need to,” Abbott said when asked whether Republicans might expand the plan to increase GOP districts beyond the current five.
One of the most high-profile Democrats at risk under the new maps is Rep. Jasmine Crockett of Dallas.
Her current 30th District seat would no longer contain her residence under the GOP proposal, placing her instead in the newly drawn 33rd District.
That district, which now includes only Dallas County, has already sparked speculation about crowded Democratic competition. Crockett herself acknowledged she may have to move districts, a move that could jeopardize her political future.
While she has floated a possible run for the U.S. Senate, the immediate challenge of keeping a seat in Congress underscores how redistricting could diminish Democratic strength in North Texas.
The maps would also reconfigure District 32, represented by Democrat Julie Johnson, into a Republican-majority district extending into East Texas.
District 33, currently held by Marc Veasey, would be confined entirely to Dallas County, further tightening the political landscape for Democrats.
Some Democrats are already jockeying for political survival.
Crockett, a rising fundraiser, has also floated a U.S. Senate run, saying she would consider it if polling showed she could compete statewide. “If there is a general (vs. primary) poll that came out that said that I could be competitive that would be something that I would have to consider,” she said.
For now, Abbott and Republican lawmakers remain committed to enacting the new maps, even as Democrats weigh their electoral options. “They didn’t show up for the first special session, and many believe they won’t show up Monday either,” Burrows said.
With another session underway, Texas remains at the center of the national struggle over political power — and the limits of partisan obstruction.
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